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Created page with "{{McNair Projects |Has title=American Conservatism |Has owner=Anne Dayton, }} @article{zelizer_reflections:_2010, title = {Reflections: {Rethinking} the {History} of {Amer..."
{{McNair Projects
|Has title=American Conservatism
|Has owner=Anne Dayton,
}}
@article{zelizer_reflections:_2010,
title = {Reflections: {Rethinking} the {History} of {American} {Conservatism}},
volume = {38},
issn = {1080-6628},
shorttitle = {Reflections},
url = {https://muse.jhu.edu/article/382920},
doi = {10.1353/rah.0.0217},
abstract = {In 1994, the Columbia historian Alan Brinkley stimulated an intense debate within the
historical profession when he published an article in the American Historical Review that
focused on the history of American conservatism. Brinkley argued that historians had not
devoted sufficient attention to the evolution of conservatism in contemporary politics.
Historians, he said, had treated conservatism as a marginal, irrational, or irrelevant force ...},
number = {2},
urldate = {2017-07-20},
journal = {Reviews in American History},
author = {Zelizer, Julian E.},
month = jun,
year = {2010},
pages = {367--392},
file = {Full Text PDF:files/118/Zelizer - 2010 - Reflections Rethinking the History of American Co.pdf:application/pdf}
}
@article{brinkley_problem_1994,
title = {The {Problem} of {American} {Conservatism}},
volume = {99},
issn = {0002-8762},
url = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/2167281},
doi = {10.2307/2167281},
abstract = {IT WILL NOT, I SUSPECT, BE A VERY CONTROVERSIAL CLAIM to say that twentieth-
century American conservatism has been something of an orphan in historical scholarship.
Historians have written books and articles about modern conservatism, of course, some of
them quite good. In recent years, moreover, both the quantity and the quality of scholarship
on the subject has markedly increased. Even so, it would be hard to argue that the},
number = {2},
urldate = {2017-07-20},
journal = {The American Historical Review},
author = {Brinkley, Alan},
year = {1994},
pages = {409--429}
}
@book{farber_rise_2010,
title = {The {Rise} and {Fall} of {Modern} {American} {Conservatism}: {A} {Short} {History}},
isbn = {978-0-691-12915-0},
shorttitle = {The {Rise} and {Fall} of {Modern} {American} {Conservatism}},
abstract = {The Rise and Fall of Modern American Conservatism tells the gripping story of perhaps the most significant political force of our time through the lives and careers of six leading figures at the heart of the movement. David Farber traces the history of modern conservatism from its revolt against New Deal liberalism, to its breathtaking resurgence under Ronald Reagan, to its spectacular defeat with the election of Barack Obama. Farber paints vivid portraits of Robert Taft, William F. Buckley Jr., Barry Goldwater, Phyllis Schlafly, Ronald Reagan, and George W. Bush. He shows how these outspoken, charismatic, and frequently controversial conservative leaders were united by a shared insistence on the primacy of social order, national security, and economic liberty. Farber demonstrates how they built a versatile movement capable of gaining and holding power, from Taft's opposition to the New Deal to Buckley's founding of the National Review as the intellectual standard-bearer of modern conservatism; from Goldwater's crusade against leftist politics and his failed 1964 bid for the presidency to Schlafly's rejection of feminism in favor of traditional gender roles and family values; and from Reagan's city upon a hill to conservatism's downfall with Bush's ambitious presidency. The Rise and Fall of Modern American Conservatism provides rare insight into how conservatives captured the American political imagination by claiming moral superiority, downplaying economic inequality, relishing bellicosity, and embracing nationalism. This concise and accessible history reveals how these conservative leaders discovered a winning formula that enabled them to forge a powerful and formidable political majority.},
language = {en},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
author = {Farber, David},
month = apr,
year = {2010},
note = {Google-Books-ID: fowchtcWW9AC},
keywords = {History / Modern / 20th Century, History / United States / 20th Century, Political Science / History \& Theory, Political Science / Political Ideologies / Conservatism \& Liberalism}
}
@book{himmelstein_right:_1992,
title = {To the {Right}: {The} {Transformation} of {American} {Conservatism}},
isbn = {978-0-520-08042-3},
shorttitle = {To the {Right}},
abstract = {In this important book, Jerome Himmelstein offers a new interpretation of the growth of conservatism in American politics. Tracing the New Right of the 1970s and 1980s back to the Old Right of the 1950s, Himmelstein provides an interpretive map of the political landscape over those decades, showing how conservatives ascended to power by reconstructing their ideology and building an independent movement.},
language = {en},
publisher = {University of California Press},
author = {Himmelstein, Jerome L.},
year = {1992},
note = {Google-Books-ID: J6YZuHHCu6MC},
keywords = {Political Science / General, Political Science / Political Process / General, Political Science / Public Policy / General, Social Science / Sociology / General}
}
@book{genovese_southern_1994,
title = {The {Southern} {Tradition}: {The} {Achievement} and {Limitations} of an {American} {Conservatism}},
isbn = {978-0-674-82527-7},
shorttitle = {The {Southern} {Tradition}},
abstract = {In recent years American conservatism has found a new voice, a new way of picking up the political pieces left in the wake of liberal policies. But what seems innovative, Eugene Genovese shows us, may in fact have very old roots. Tracing a certain strain of conservatism to its sources in a rich southern tradition, his book introduces a revealing perspective on the politics of our day. As much a work of political and moral philosophy as one of history, The Southern Tradition is based on the intellectual journey of one of the most influential historians of the late twentieth century.To appreciate the tradition of southern conservatism, Genovese tells us, we must first understand the relation of southern thought to politics. Toward this end, he presents a historical overview that identifies the tenets, sensibilities, and attitudes of the southern-conservative world view. With these conditions in mind, he considers such political and constitutional issues as state rights, concurrent majority, and the nature and locus of political power in a constitutional republic. Of special interest are the southern-conservative critiques of equality and democracy, and of the Leviathan state in its liberal, socialist, and fascist forms. Genovese examines these critiques in light of the specific concept of property that has been central to southern social and political thought.Not only does this book illuminate a political tradition grounded in the writings of John Randolph and John C. Calhoun, but it shows how this lineage has been augmented by powerful literary figures such as Allen Tate, Lewis Simpson, and Robert Penn Warren. Genovese here reconstitutes the historical canon, re-envisions the strengths and weaknesses of the conservative tradition, and broadens the spectrum of political debate for our time.},
language = {en},
publisher = {Harvard University Press},
author = {Genovese, Eugene D.},
year = {1994},
note = {Google-Books-ID: FbShW1BndRkC},
keywords = {History / General, History / United States / General, Philosophy / Ethics \& Moral Philosophy, Political Science / Political Process / General}
}
@book{farmer_american_2005,
title = {American {Conservatism}: {History}, {Theory} and {Practice}},
isbn = {978-1-904303-54-1},
shorttitle = {American {Conservatism}},
abstract = {American Conservatism: History, Theory, and Practice from Brian R. Farmer is a history of conservatism in the United States that illuminates the odyssey of American conservatism beginning with the Pilgrims and Puritans of the early colonial period and proceeding through the Revolutionary era, the Antebellum period, the Age of Laissez-Faire, Post-Depression Conservatism, the Reagan Era, and concluding with the ideologies and policies of the George W. Bush Administration, arguably the most ideologically driven conservative administration in American history. Conservatism in general and the multiple facets of conservatism are defined, and the political socialization process that produces and perpetuates political ideologies in general and conservatism in particular are presented, to lay the groundwork for the rich history of American people, policies, and events that have surrounded those conservative ideologies that follows. Farmer provides a tool for those interested in American Politics in general and American conservatism in particular with a tool that helps explain the historical development of American ideological conservatism, both in a theoretical sense, and in a policy sense, and thus draws a connection between the American past and what must be considered an exceptional conservative American administration, even by American standards, under George W. Bush. Farmer illustrates that the basic ideological underpinnings that have driven the Bush administration that have generally been viewed by Europeans as exceptional, have been present in American politics since its earliest colonial beginnings with the Puritans and been carried forward by the ideological descendants of the Puritans from that time through the present. In essence, the form of American conservative exceptionalism exhibited during the Bush administration was present in American politics from the very beginning and has continued through the present, albeit in a more extreme form since the traditional ideological conservatives currently dominate all three branches of the American government and the terror attacks of 9/11 allowed them to garner popular support for their exceptional programs.},
language = {en},
publisher = {Cambridge Scholars Press},
author = {Farmer, Brian R.},
year = {2005},
note = {Google-Books-ID: bRHo\_n\_XZNkC},
keywords = {Political Science / General}
}
@book{schoenwald_time_2001,
title = {A {Time} for {Choosing}: {The} {Rise} of {Modern} {American} {Conservatism}},
isbn = {978-0-19-803078-2},
shorttitle = {A {Time} for {Choosing}},
abstract = {How did American conservatism, little more than a collection of loosely related beliefs in the late 1940s and early 1950s, become a coherent political and social force in the 1960s? What political strategies originating during the decade enabled the modern conservative movement to flourish? And how did mainstream and extremist conservatives, frequently at odds over tactics and ideology, each play a role in reshaping the Republican Party? In the 1960s conservatives did nothing less than engineer their own revolution. A Time for Choosing tells the remarkable story behind this transformation. In the first decade after World War II, two broad branches of organized conservatism emerged: mainstream or electoral conservatism and extremist conservatism. By the end of the 1950s, both groups had grown dissatisfied with the Republican party, yet they disagreed about how to create political change. Looking to private organizations as a means of exerting influence, extremists tapped the reserves of conservative discontent and formed maverick factions such as the John Birch Society. Mainstream conservatives, on the other hand, attempted to capture the GOP, seeking reform through the electoral and party systems. They "drafted" Barry Goldwater as their presidential candidate in 1964, and though he suffered a devastating defeat, the campaign electrified millions of Americans. Four years later, American conservatism, a perennial underdog in national politics, was firmly in the ascent. A Time for Choosing, making unprecedented use of archival material to document the strategies and influence of grassroots citizens' groups, provides the fullest picture yet of the way conservatism's two cultures combined to build a triumphant political movement from the ground up. Where previous accounts of conservatism's rise tend to speed from 1964 through the start of the Reagan era in 1980, A Time for Choosing explores in dramatic detail how conservatives took immediate action following the Goldwater debacle. William F. Buckley, Jr.'s 1965 bid for Mayor of New York City and Reagan's 1966 California governor's campaign helped turn the tide for electoral conservatism. By decade's end, independent "splinter groups" vied for the right to bear the conservative standard into the next decade, demonstrating the movement's strength and vitality. Although conservative ideology was not created during the 1960s, its political components were. Here, then, is the story of the rise of the modern conservative movement. Provocative and beautifully written, A Time for Choosing is a book for anyone interested in politics and history in the postwar era.},
language = {en},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
author = {Schoenwald, Jonathan},
month = aug,
year = {2001},
note = {Google-Books-ID: uPZXEkMA0qQC},
keywords = {History / United States / 20th Century, Political Science / History \& Theory, Political Science / Political Ideologies / Conservatism \& Liberalism}
}
@book{lowndes_new_2008,
title = {From the {New} {Deal} to the {New} {Right}: {Race} and the {Southern} {Origins} of {Modern} {Conservatism}},
isbn = {978-0-300-14828-2},
shorttitle = {From the {New} {Deal} to the {New} {Right}},
abstract = {The role the South has played in contemporary conservatism is perhaps the most consequential political phenomenon of the second half of the twentieth century. The regions transition from Democratic stronghold to Republican base has frequently been viewed as a recent occurrence, one that largely stems from a 1960s-era backlash against left-leaning social movements. But as Joseph Lowndes argues in this book, this rightward shift was not necessarily a natural response by alienated whites, but rather the result of the long-term development of an alliance between Southern segregationists and Northern conservatives, two groups who initially shared little beyond opposition to specific New Deal imperatives. Lowndes focuses his narrative on the formative period between the end of the Second World War and the Nixon years. By looking at the 1948 Dixiecrat Revolt, the presidential campaigns of George Wallace, and popular representations of the region, he shows the many ways in which the South changed during these decades. Lowndes traces how a new alliance began to emerge by further examining the pages of the National Review and Republican party-building efforts in the South during the campaigns of Eisenhower, Goldwater, and Nixon. The unique characteristics of American conservatism were forged in the crucible of race relations in the South, he argues, and his analysis of party-building efforts, national institutions, and the innovations of particular political actors provides a keen look into the ideology of modern conservatism and the Republican Party.},
language = {en},
publisher = {Yale University Press},
author = {Lowndes, Joseph E.},
month = oct,
year = {2008},
note = {Google-Books-ID: bp15\_FjIadgC},
keywords = {History / United States / 20th Century, Political Science / American Government / General, Political Science / Political Ideologies / Conservatism \& Liberalism, Political Science / Political Process / Political Parties, Social Science / Discrimination \& Race Relations}
}
@article{williamson_tea_2011,
title = {The {Tea} {Party} and the {Remaking} of {Republican} {Conservatism}},
volume = {9},
issn = {1541-0986, 1537-5927},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/perspectives-on-politics/article/tea-party-and-the-remaking-of-republican-conservatism/BDF68005B52758A48F7EC07086C3788C},
doi = {10.1017/S153759271000407X},
abstract = {In the aftermath of a potentially demoralizing 2008 electoral defeat, when the Republican Party seemed widely discredited, the emergence of the Tea Party provided conservative activists with a new identity funded by Republican business elites and reinforced by a network of conservative media sources. Untethered from recent GOP baggage and policy specifics, the Tea Party energized disgruntled white middle-class conservatives and garnered widespread attention, despite stagnant or declining favorability ratings among the general public. As participant observation and interviews with Massachusetts activists reveal, Tea Partiers are not monolithically hostile toward government; they distinguish between programs perceived as going to hard-working contributors to US society like themselves and “handouts” perceived as going to unworthy or freeloading people. During 2010, Tea Party activism reshaped many GOP primaries and enhanced voter turnout, but achieved a mixed record in the November general election. Activism may well continue to influence dynamics in Congress and GOP presidential primaries. Even if the Tea Party eventually subsides, it has undercut Obama's presidency, revitalized conservatism, and pulled the national Republican Party toward the far right.},
number = {1},
urldate = {2017-07-20},
journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
author = {Williamson, Vanessa and Skocpol, Theda and Coggin, John},
month = mar,
year = {2011},
pages = {25--43},
file = {Full Text PDF:files/134/Williamson et al. - 2011 - The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conse.pdf:application/pdf;Snapshot:files/135/BDF68005B52758A48F7EC07086C3788C.html:text/html}
}
@misc{nash_reappraising_nodate,
title = {Reappraising the {Right}: {The} {Past} and {Future} of {American} {Conservatism}},
shorttitle = {Reappraising the {Right}},
url = {/political-process/report/reappraising-the-right-the-past-and-future-american-conservatism},
abstract = {Abstract: What do conservatives want? To be free, to live virtuous and productive lives, to be secure from threats beyond and within our borders, and to live in a society that sustains and encourages these aspirations: freedom, virtue, safety--goals reflected in the libertarian, traditionalist, and national security dimensions of the conservative movement and coalition. But to achieve these perennial goals, conservatives must communicate in language that connects with the great majority of the American people in all stations of life.},
urldate = {2017-07-20},
journal = {The Heritage Foundation},
author = {Nash, George},
file = {Snapshot:files/137/reappraising-the-right-the-past-and-future-american-conservatism.html:text/html}
}
@article{kazin_grass-roots_1992,
title = {The {Grass}-{Roots} {Right}: {New} {Histories} of {U}.{S}. {Conservatism} in the {Twentieth} {Century}},
volume = {97},
issn = {0002-8762},
shorttitle = {The {Grass}-{Roots} {Right}},
url = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/2164542},
doi = {10.2307/2164542},
abstract = {HISTORIANS, LIKE MOST PEOPLE, ARE RELUCTANT TO SYMPATHIZE with people
whose political opinions they detest. Overwhelmingly cosmopolitan in their cultural tastes
and liberal or radical in their politics, scholars of modern America have largely eschewed
research projects about past movements that seem to them either bastions of a crumbling
status quo or the domain of puritanical, pathological yahoos. Thus, over a decade after ...},
number = {1},
urldate = {2017-07-20},
journal = {The American Historical Review},
author = {Kazin, Michael},
editor = {Moore, Leonard J. and Blee, Kathleen M. and Himmelstein, Jerome L. and Formisano, Ronald P. and Klatch, Rebecca E.},
year = {1992},
pages = {136--155}
}
@book{mcgirr_suburban_2015,
title = {Suburban {Warriors}: {The} {Origins} of the {New} {American} {Right}},
isbn = {978-1-4008-6620-5},
shorttitle = {Suburban {Warriors}},
abstract = {In the early 1960s, American conservatives seemed to have fallen on hard times. McCarthyism was on the run, and movements on the political left were grabbing headlines. The media lampooned John Birchers's accusations that Dwight Eisenhower was a communist puppet. Mainstream America snickered at warnings by California Congressman James B. Utt that "barefooted Africans" were training in Georgia to help the United Nations take over the country. Yet, in Utt's home district of Orange County, thousands of middle-class suburbanites proceeded to organize a powerful conservative movement that would land Ronald Reagan in the White House and redefine the spectrum of acceptable politics into the next century. Suburban Warriors introduces us to these people: women hosting coffee klatches for Barry Goldwater in their tract houses; members of anticommunist reading groups organizing against sex education; pro-life Democrats gradually drawn into conservative circles; and new arrivals finding work in defense companies and a sense of community in Orange County's mushrooming evangelical churches. We learn what motivated them and how they interpreted their political activity. Lisa McGirr shows that their movement was not one of marginal people suffering from status anxiety, but rather one formed by successful entrepreneurial types with modern lifestyles and bright futures. She describes how these suburban pioneers created new political and social philosophies anchored in a fusion of Christian fundamentalism, xenophobic nationalism, and western libertarianism. While introducing these rank-and-file activists, McGirr chronicles Orange County's rise from "nut country" to political vanguard. Through this history, she traces the evolution of the New Right from a virulent anticommunist, anti-establishment fringe to a broad national movement nourished by evangelical Protestantism. Her original contribution to the social history of politics broadens—and often upsets—our understanding of the deep and tenacious roots of popular conservatism in America.},
language = {en},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
author = {McGirr, Lisa},
month = jun,
year = {2015},
note = {Google-Books-ID: JPJnBgAAQBAJ},
keywords = {History / Americas (North, Central, South, West Indies), History / Modern / 20th Century, History / United States / 20th Century, Political Science / General, Political Science / History \& Theory}
}
@book{hofstadter_paranoid_2012,
title = {The {Paranoid} {Style} in {American} {Politics}},
isbn = {978-0-307-80968-1},
abstract = {This timely reissue of Richard Hofstadter's classic work on the fringe groups that influence American electoral politics offers an invaluable perspective on contemporary domestic affairs.In The Paranoid Style in American Politics, acclaimed historian Richard Hofstadter examines the competing forces in American political discourse and how fringe groups can influence — and derail — the larger agendas of a political party. He investigates the politics of the irrational, shedding light on how the behavior of individuals can seem out of proportion with actual political issues, and how such behavior impacts larger groups. With such other classic essays as “Free Silver and the Mind of 'Coin' Harvey” and “What Happened to the Antitrust Movement?, ” The Paranoid Style in American Politics remains both a seminal text of political history and a vital analysis of the ways in which political groups function in the United States.},
language = {en},
publisher = {Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group},
author = {Hofstadter, Richard},
month = jan,
year = {2012},
note = {Google-Books-ID: XcLSoljnmBcC},
keywords = {Political Science / American Government / General, Political Science / History \& Theory, Political Science / Political Process / General}
}
|Has title=American Conservatism
|Has owner=Anne Dayton,
}}
@article{zelizer_reflections:_2010,
title = {Reflections: {Rethinking} the {History} of {American} {Conservatism}},
volume = {38},
issn = {1080-6628},
shorttitle = {Reflections},
url = {https://muse.jhu.edu/article/382920},
doi = {10.1353/rah.0.0217},
abstract = {In 1994, the Columbia historian Alan Brinkley stimulated an intense debate within the
historical profession when he published an article in the American Historical Review that
focused on the history of American conservatism. Brinkley argued that historians had not
devoted sufficient attention to the evolution of conservatism in contemporary politics.
Historians, he said, had treated conservatism as a marginal, irrational, or irrelevant force ...},
number = {2},
urldate = {2017-07-20},
journal = {Reviews in American History},
author = {Zelizer, Julian E.},
month = jun,
year = {2010},
pages = {367--392},
file = {Full Text PDF:files/118/Zelizer - 2010 - Reflections Rethinking the History of American Co.pdf:application/pdf}
}
@article{brinkley_problem_1994,
title = {The {Problem} of {American} {Conservatism}},
volume = {99},
issn = {0002-8762},
url = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/2167281},
doi = {10.2307/2167281},
abstract = {IT WILL NOT, I SUSPECT, BE A VERY CONTROVERSIAL CLAIM to say that twentieth-
century American conservatism has been something of an orphan in historical scholarship.
Historians have written books and articles about modern conservatism, of course, some of
them quite good. In recent years, moreover, both the quantity and the quality of scholarship
on the subject has markedly increased. Even so, it would be hard to argue that the},
number = {2},
urldate = {2017-07-20},
journal = {The American Historical Review},
author = {Brinkley, Alan},
year = {1994},
pages = {409--429}
}
@book{farber_rise_2010,
title = {The {Rise} and {Fall} of {Modern} {American} {Conservatism}: {A} {Short} {History}},
isbn = {978-0-691-12915-0},
shorttitle = {The {Rise} and {Fall} of {Modern} {American} {Conservatism}},
abstract = {The Rise and Fall of Modern American Conservatism tells the gripping story of perhaps the most significant political force of our time through the lives and careers of six leading figures at the heart of the movement. David Farber traces the history of modern conservatism from its revolt against New Deal liberalism, to its breathtaking resurgence under Ronald Reagan, to its spectacular defeat with the election of Barack Obama. Farber paints vivid portraits of Robert Taft, William F. Buckley Jr., Barry Goldwater, Phyllis Schlafly, Ronald Reagan, and George W. Bush. He shows how these outspoken, charismatic, and frequently controversial conservative leaders were united by a shared insistence on the primacy of social order, national security, and economic liberty. Farber demonstrates how they built a versatile movement capable of gaining and holding power, from Taft's opposition to the New Deal to Buckley's founding of the National Review as the intellectual standard-bearer of modern conservatism; from Goldwater's crusade against leftist politics and his failed 1964 bid for the presidency to Schlafly's rejection of feminism in favor of traditional gender roles and family values; and from Reagan's city upon a hill to conservatism's downfall with Bush's ambitious presidency. The Rise and Fall of Modern American Conservatism provides rare insight into how conservatives captured the American political imagination by claiming moral superiority, downplaying economic inequality, relishing bellicosity, and embracing nationalism. This concise and accessible history reveals how these conservative leaders discovered a winning formula that enabled them to forge a powerful and formidable political majority.},
language = {en},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
author = {Farber, David},
month = apr,
year = {2010},
note = {Google-Books-ID: fowchtcWW9AC},
keywords = {History / Modern / 20th Century, History / United States / 20th Century, Political Science / History \& Theory, Political Science / Political Ideologies / Conservatism \& Liberalism}
}
@book{himmelstein_right:_1992,
title = {To the {Right}: {The} {Transformation} of {American} {Conservatism}},
isbn = {978-0-520-08042-3},
shorttitle = {To the {Right}},
abstract = {In this important book, Jerome Himmelstein offers a new interpretation of the growth of conservatism in American politics. Tracing the New Right of the 1970s and 1980s back to the Old Right of the 1950s, Himmelstein provides an interpretive map of the political landscape over those decades, showing how conservatives ascended to power by reconstructing their ideology and building an independent movement.},
language = {en},
publisher = {University of California Press},
author = {Himmelstein, Jerome L.},
year = {1992},
note = {Google-Books-ID: J6YZuHHCu6MC},
keywords = {Political Science / General, Political Science / Political Process / General, Political Science / Public Policy / General, Social Science / Sociology / General}
}
@book{genovese_southern_1994,
title = {The {Southern} {Tradition}: {The} {Achievement} and {Limitations} of an {American} {Conservatism}},
isbn = {978-0-674-82527-7},
shorttitle = {The {Southern} {Tradition}},
abstract = {In recent years American conservatism has found a new voice, a new way of picking up the political pieces left in the wake of liberal policies. But what seems innovative, Eugene Genovese shows us, may in fact have very old roots. Tracing a certain strain of conservatism to its sources in a rich southern tradition, his book introduces a revealing perspective on the politics of our day. As much a work of political and moral philosophy as one of history, The Southern Tradition is based on the intellectual journey of one of the most influential historians of the late twentieth century.To appreciate the tradition of southern conservatism, Genovese tells us, we must first understand the relation of southern thought to politics. Toward this end, he presents a historical overview that identifies the tenets, sensibilities, and attitudes of the southern-conservative world view. With these conditions in mind, he considers such political and constitutional issues as state rights, concurrent majority, and the nature and locus of political power in a constitutional republic. Of special interest are the southern-conservative critiques of equality and democracy, and of the Leviathan state in its liberal, socialist, and fascist forms. Genovese examines these critiques in light of the specific concept of property that has been central to southern social and political thought.Not only does this book illuminate a political tradition grounded in the writings of John Randolph and John C. Calhoun, but it shows how this lineage has been augmented by powerful literary figures such as Allen Tate, Lewis Simpson, and Robert Penn Warren. Genovese here reconstitutes the historical canon, re-envisions the strengths and weaknesses of the conservative tradition, and broadens the spectrum of political debate for our time.},
language = {en},
publisher = {Harvard University Press},
author = {Genovese, Eugene D.},
year = {1994},
note = {Google-Books-ID: FbShW1BndRkC},
keywords = {History / General, History / United States / General, Philosophy / Ethics \& Moral Philosophy, Political Science / Political Process / General}
}
@book{farmer_american_2005,
title = {American {Conservatism}: {History}, {Theory} and {Practice}},
isbn = {978-1-904303-54-1},
shorttitle = {American {Conservatism}},
abstract = {American Conservatism: History, Theory, and Practice from Brian R. Farmer is a history of conservatism in the United States that illuminates the odyssey of American conservatism beginning with the Pilgrims and Puritans of the early colonial period and proceeding through the Revolutionary era, the Antebellum period, the Age of Laissez-Faire, Post-Depression Conservatism, the Reagan Era, and concluding with the ideologies and policies of the George W. Bush Administration, arguably the most ideologically driven conservative administration in American history. Conservatism in general and the multiple facets of conservatism are defined, and the political socialization process that produces and perpetuates political ideologies in general and conservatism in particular are presented, to lay the groundwork for the rich history of American people, policies, and events that have surrounded those conservative ideologies that follows. Farmer provides a tool for those interested in American Politics in general and American conservatism in particular with a tool that helps explain the historical development of American ideological conservatism, both in a theoretical sense, and in a policy sense, and thus draws a connection between the American past and what must be considered an exceptional conservative American administration, even by American standards, under George W. Bush. Farmer illustrates that the basic ideological underpinnings that have driven the Bush administration that have generally been viewed by Europeans as exceptional, have been present in American politics since its earliest colonial beginnings with the Puritans and been carried forward by the ideological descendants of the Puritans from that time through the present. In essence, the form of American conservative exceptionalism exhibited during the Bush administration was present in American politics from the very beginning and has continued through the present, albeit in a more extreme form since the traditional ideological conservatives currently dominate all three branches of the American government and the terror attacks of 9/11 allowed them to garner popular support for their exceptional programs.},
language = {en},
publisher = {Cambridge Scholars Press},
author = {Farmer, Brian R.},
year = {2005},
note = {Google-Books-ID: bRHo\_n\_XZNkC},
keywords = {Political Science / General}
}
@book{schoenwald_time_2001,
title = {A {Time} for {Choosing}: {The} {Rise} of {Modern} {American} {Conservatism}},
isbn = {978-0-19-803078-2},
shorttitle = {A {Time} for {Choosing}},
abstract = {How did American conservatism, little more than a collection of loosely related beliefs in the late 1940s and early 1950s, become a coherent political and social force in the 1960s? What political strategies originating during the decade enabled the modern conservative movement to flourish? And how did mainstream and extremist conservatives, frequently at odds over tactics and ideology, each play a role in reshaping the Republican Party? In the 1960s conservatives did nothing less than engineer their own revolution. A Time for Choosing tells the remarkable story behind this transformation. In the first decade after World War II, two broad branches of organized conservatism emerged: mainstream or electoral conservatism and extremist conservatism. By the end of the 1950s, both groups had grown dissatisfied with the Republican party, yet they disagreed about how to create political change. Looking to private organizations as a means of exerting influence, extremists tapped the reserves of conservative discontent and formed maverick factions such as the John Birch Society. Mainstream conservatives, on the other hand, attempted to capture the GOP, seeking reform through the electoral and party systems. They "drafted" Barry Goldwater as their presidential candidate in 1964, and though he suffered a devastating defeat, the campaign electrified millions of Americans. Four years later, American conservatism, a perennial underdog in national politics, was firmly in the ascent. A Time for Choosing, making unprecedented use of archival material to document the strategies and influence of grassroots citizens' groups, provides the fullest picture yet of the way conservatism's two cultures combined to build a triumphant political movement from the ground up. Where previous accounts of conservatism's rise tend to speed from 1964 through the start of the Reagan era in 1980, A Time for Choosing explores in dramatic detail how conservatives took immediate action following the Goldwater debacle. William F. Buckley, Jr.'s 1965 bid for Mayor of New York City and Reagan's 1966 California governor's campaign helped turn the tide for electoral conservatism. By decade's end, independent "splinter groups" vied for the right to bear the conservative standard into the next decade, demonstrating the movement's strength and vitality. Although conservative ideology was not created during the 1960s, its political components were. Here, then, is the story of the rise of the modern conservative movement. Provocative and beautifully written, A Time for Choosing is a book for anyone interested in politics and history in the postwar era.},
language = {en},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
author = {Schoenwald, Jonathan},
month = aug,
year = {2001},
note = {Google-Books-ID: uPZXEkMA0qQC},
keywords = {History / United States / 20th Century, Political Science / History \& Theory, Political Science / Political Ideologies / Conservatism \& Liberalism}
}
@book{lowndes_new_2008,
title = {From the {New} {Deal} to the {New} {Right}: {Race} and the {Southern} {Origins} of {Modern} {Conservatism}},
isbn = {978-0-300-14828-2},
shorttitle = {From the {New} {Deal} to the {New} {Right}},
abstract = {The role the South has played in contemporary conservatism is perhaps the most consequential political phenomenon of the second half of the twentieth century. The regions transition from Democratic stronghold to Republican base has frequently been viewed as a recent occurrence, one that largely stems from a 1960s-era backlash against left-leaning social movements. But as Joseph Lowndes argues in this book, this rightward shift was not necessarily a natural response by alienated whites, but rather the result of the long-term development of an alliance between Southern segregationists and Northern conservatives, two groups who initially shared little beyond opposition to specific New Deal imperatives. Lowndes focuses his narrative on the formative period between the end of the Second World War and the Nixon years. By looking at the 1948 Dixiecrat Revolt, the presidential campaigns of George Wallace, and popular representations of the region, he shows the many ways in which the South changed during these decades. Lowndes traces how a new alliance began to emerge by further examining the pages of the National Review and Republican party-building efforts in the South during the campaigns of Eisenhower, Goldwater, and Nixon. The unique characteristics of American conservatism were forged in the crucible of race relations in the South, he argues, and his analysis of party-building efforts, national institutions, and the innovations of particular political actors provides a keen look into the ideology of modern conservatism and the Republican Party.},
language = {en},
publisher = {Yale University Press},
author = {Lowndes, Joseph E.},
month = oct,
year = {2008},
note = {Google-Books-ID: bp15\_FjIadgC},
keywords = {History / United States / 20th Century, Political Science / American Government / General, Political Science / Political Ideologies / Conservatism \& Liberalism, Political Science / Political Process / Political Parties, Social Science / Discrimination \& Race Relations}
}
@article{williamson_tea_2011,
title = {The {Tea} {Party} and the {Remaking} of {Republican} {Conservatism}},
volume = {9},
issn = {1541-0986, 1537-5927},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/perspectives-on-politics/article/tea-party-and-the-remaking-of-republican-conservatism/BDF68005B52758A48F7EC07086C3788C},
doi = {10.1017/S153759271000407X},
abstract = {In the aftermath of a potentially demoralizing 2008 electoral defeat, when the Republican Party seemed widely discredited, the emergence of the Tea Party provided conservative activists with a new identity funded by Republican business elites and reinforced by a network of conservative media sources. Untethered from recent GOP baggage and policy specifics, the Tea Party energized disgruntled white middle-class conservatives and garnered widespread attention, despite stagnant or declining favorability ratings among the general public. As participant observation and interviews with Massachusetts activists reveal, Tea Partiers are not monolithically hostile toward government; they distinguish between programs perceived as going to hard-working contributors to US society like themselves and “handouts” perceived as going to unworthy or freeloading people. During 2010, Tea Party activism reshaped many GOP primaries and enhanced voter turnout, but achieved a mixed record in the November general election. Activism may well continue to influence dynamics in Congress and GOP presidential primaries. Even if the Tea Party eventually subsides, it has undercut Obama's presidency, revitalized conservatism, and pulled the national Republican Party toward the far right.},
number = {1},
urldate = {2017-07-20},
journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
author = {Williamson, Vanessa and Skocpol, Theda and Coggin, John},
month = mar,
year = {2011},
pages = {25--43},
file = {Full Text PDF:files/134/Williamson et al. - 2011 - The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conse.pdf:application/pdf;Snapshot:files/135/BDF68005B52758A48F7EC07086C3788C.html:text/html}
}
@misc{nash_reappraising_nodate,
title = {Reappraising the {Right}: {The} {Past} and {Future} of {American} {Conservatism}},
shorttitle = {Reappraising the {Right}},
url = {/political-process/report/reappraising-the-right-the-past-and-future-american-conservatism},
abstract = {Abstract: What do conservatives want? To be free, to live virtuous and productive lives, to be secure from threats beyond and within our borders, and to live in a society that sustains and encourages these aspirations: freedom, virtue, safety--goals reflected in the libertarian, traditionalist, and national security dimensions of the conservative movement and coalition. But to achieve these perennial goals, conservatives must communicate in language that connects with the great majority of the American people in all stations of life.},
urldate = {2017-07-20},
journal = {The Heritage Foundation},
author = {Nash, George},
file = {Snapshot:files/137/reappraising-the-right-the-past-and-future-american-conservatism.html:text/html}
}
@article{kazin_grass-roots_1992,
title = {The {Grass}-{Roots} {Right}: {New} {Histories} of {U}.{S}. {Conservatism} in the {Twentieth} {Century}},
volume = {97},
issn = {0002-8762},
shorttitle = {The {Grass}-{Roots} {Right}},
url = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/2164542},
doi = {10.2307/2164542},
abstract = {HISTORIANS, LIKE MOST PEOPLE, ARE RELUCTANT TO SYMPATHIZE with people
whose political opinions they detest. Overwhelmingly cosmopolitan in their cultural tastes
and liberal or radical in their politics, scholars of modern America have largely eschewed
research projects about past movements that seem to them either bastions of a crumbling
status quo or the domain of puritanical, pathological yahoos. Thus, over a decade after ...},
number = {1},
urldate = {2017-07-20},
journal = {The American Historical Review},
author = {Kazin, Michael},
editor = {Moore, Leonard J. and Blee, Kathleen M. and Himmelstein, Jerome L. and Formisano, Ronald P. and Klatch, Rebecca E.},
year = {1992},
pages = {136--155}
}
@book{mcgirr_suburban_2015,
title = {Suburban {Warriors}: {The} {Origins} of the {New} {American} {Right}},
isbn = {978-1-4008-6620-5},
shorttitle = {Suburban {Warriors}},
abstract = {In the early 1960s, American conservatives seemed to have fallen on hard times. McCarthyism was on the run, and movements on the political left were grabbing headlines. The media lampooned John Birchers's accusations that Dwight Eisenhower was a communist puppet. Mainstream America snickered at warnings by California Congressman James B. Utt that "barefooted Africans" were training in Georgia to help the United Nations take over the country. Yet, in Utt's home district of Orange County, thousands of middle-class suburbanites proceeded to organize a powerful conservative movement that would land Ronald Reagan in the White House and redefine the spectrum of acceptable politics into the next century. Suburban Warriors introduces us to these people: women hosting coffee klatches for Barry Goldwater in their tract houses; members of anticommunist reading groups organizing against sex education; pro-life Democrats gradually drawn into conservative circles; and new arrivals finding work in defense companies and a sense of community in Orange County's mushrooming evangelical churches. We learn what motivated them and how they interpreted their political activity. Lisa McGirr shows that their movement was not one of marginal people suffering from status anxiety, but rather one formed by successful entrepreneurial types with modern lifestyles and bright futures. She describes how these suburban pioneers created new political and social philosophies anchored in a fusion of Christian fundamentalism, xenophobic nationalism, and western libertarianism. While introducing these rank-and-file activists, McGirr chronicles Orange County's rise from "nut country" to political vanguard. Through this history, she traces the evolution of the New Right from a virulent anticommunist, anti-establishment fringe to a broad national movement nourished by evangelical Protestantism. Her original contribution to the social history of politics broadens—and often upsets—our understanding of the deep and tenacious roots of popular conservatism in America.},
language = {en},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
author = {McGirr, Lisa},
month = jun,
year = {2015},
note = {Google-Books-ID: JPJnBgAAQBAJ},
keywords = {History / Americas (North, Central, South, West Indies), History / Modern / 20th Century, History / United States / 20th Century, Political Science / General, Political Science / History \& Theory}
}
@book{hofstadter_paranoid_2012,
title = {The {Paranoid} {Style} in {American} {Politics}},
isbn = {978-0-307-80968-1},
abstract = {This timely reissue of Richard Hofstadter's classic work on the fringe groups that influence American electoral politics offers an invaluable perspective on contemporary domestic affairs.In The Paranoid Style in American Politics, acclaimed historian Richard Hofstadter examines the competing forces in American political discourse and how fringe groups can influence — and derail — the larger agendas of a political party. He investigates the politics of the irrational, shedding light on how the behavior of individuals can seem out of proportion with actual political issues, and how such behavior impacts larger groups. With such other classic essays as “Free Silver and the Mind of 'Coin' Harvey” and “What Happened to the Antitrust Movement?, ” The Paranoid Style in American Politics remains both a seminal text of political history and a vital analysis of the ways in which political groups function in the United States.},
language = {en},
publisher = {Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group},
author = {Hofstadter, Richard},
month = jan,
year = {2012},
note = {Google-Books-ID: XcLSoljnmBcC},
keywords = {Political Science / American Government / General, Political Science / History \& Theory, Political Science / Political Process / General}
}
